Summary: Even in civil rights history, the role of women, especially their work to end sexualized violence, has been under-appreciated.
I have owned At the Dark End of the Street for years, and I have not picked it up because I knew that it would be a difficult book to read. However, taking the concept of trigger warnings seriously, this is a book that discusses sexual violence and rape frequently. It is not described luridly, but in discussing the reality of the use of rape as a form of terrorism and an expression of white supremacy (in the sense of racial superiority), sexual violence is described regularly throughout the book. But as I continue to interact with people about race and historical issues, I am convinced that these difficult topics have to be discussed because the lack of discussion is part of what whitewashes history.
At the Dark End of the Street is a reworking of Danielle McGuire’s dissertation. The broad thesis is that the civil rights movement has suppressed or at least under-appreciated the role of women organizing against sexual violence.
“Between 1940 and 1975, sexual violence and interracial rape became one crucial battleground upon which African Americans sought to destroy white supremacy and gain personal and political autonomy. Civil rights campaigns in Little Rock, Arkansas; Macon, Georgia; Tallahassee, Florida; Washington, North Carolina; Birmingham and Selma, Alabama; Hattiesburg, Mississippi; and many other places had roots in organized resistance to sexual violence and appeals for protection of black womanhood. And yet analyses of rape and sexualized violence play little or no role in most histories of the civil rights movement…”
Many people know Rosa Park’s work for the NAACP in the 1940s and 50s before the Montgomery Bus Boycott. And many people may be aware that one of the early roles of Rosa Parks as the secretary of the Montgomery chapter of the NAACP was to investigate cases of rape as terrorism. In 1944, Recy Taylor, a 24-year-old woman, married, with a young daughter, was kidnapped while walking home from church. Four men repeatedly raped her. Taylor, and a friend who was walking with her, were able to identify the car and the men. The men admitted to “picking up” Taylor. Still, because of the ways that Black women were stereotyped as universally sexually immoral, their claim that they had paid her for sex was accepted by the police. Because of how badly beaten Recy Taylor was, and the work of Rosa Parks and others in publicizing the case nationally, a grand jury was convened. The grand jury heard Recy Taylor’s testimony and the men’s admissions but refused to indict them. (Having picked up At the Dark End of the Street while I was reading The Bill of Rights Primer, the discussion by Adams and Amir about the grand jury as a means of holding the government accountable for abuse was prescient. The problem with the system of grand juries is that they do not work if there is widespread discrimination within the community.)
Eventually, a second grand jury was held because of national outcry, and the grand jury refused to indict the men again. But this national campaign was only the start of women in the Montgomery area resisting sexual violence. That sexual violence was not just random men terrorizing women but also official actors using sexual violence as part of their official role. Police in Montgomery (and throughout the south) regularly raped Black women, making it hard for the Black community to have anyone to turn to. And the buses were not an incidental target for a boycott. The bus drivers exposed themselves to black women as a form of sexual harassment. They were legally authorized to carry guns and use them with little accountability. There were multiple cases of bus drivers killing passengers in Montgomery (and around the south). And again, bus drivers regularly called the police to remove black passengers. There were multiple cases of police raping the women who were removed as a form of intimidation, harassment, and community terrorism.
Martin Luther King Jr was the dominant public figure in the Montgomery Bus Boycott and played an important role. But the organizational work of the boycott (publicizing it, setting up alternate transportation systems, and the many of the actual drivers in those alternate systems) were primarily women.
“The enormous spotlight that focused on King, combined with the construction of Rosa Parks as a saintly symbol, hid the women’s long struggle in the dimly lit background, obscuring the origins of the MIA and erasing women from the movement. For decades, the Montgomery bus boycott has been told as a story triggered by Rosa Parks’s spontaneous refusal to give up her seat followed by the triumphant leadership of men like Fred Gray, Martin Luther King, Jr., E. D. Nixon, and Ralph Abernathy. While these men had a major impact on the emerging protest movement, it was black women’s decade-long struggle against mistreatment and abuse by white bus drivers and police officers that launched the boycott. Without an appreciation for the particular predicaments of black women in the Jim Crow South, it is nearly impossible to understand why thousands of working-class and hundreds of middle-class black women chose to walk rather than ride the bus for 381 days.
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